“The movement consists of Trump!” said Ruth Wodak, an Austrian linguist who has written extensively about European right-wing populism. Not all observers think the movement could survive the loss of its leader. But even a close loss, especially one in which his supporters can blame a rigged election, could prolong his influence. A win, of course, would make Trumpism stronger. “Some of it seems like you’re trying to twist yourself into a pretzel to make something seem conservative, when, in fact, at core it isn’t.”īut Trump’s level of influence depends on a variety of still-unknown factors, including the results of the election. “Some of the dialogue is very much warranted,” he added. Chen, who served as policy director for Utah Sen. “Elements of the right are trying to lend intellectual credibility to the president’s thinking” as conservatives debate whether the party should embrace a government that is bigger and intervenes more in financial markets, said Lanhee J. His style of grievance, white-identity politics and determination to destroy institutions has been accepted by leading Republicans and celebrated by his most loyal supporters. The issues on which Trump has changed Republican Party orthodoxy - strict limits on immigration, hostility to trade deals, isolationist foreign policy, ignoring big budget deficits - have been largely popular with the Republican base. Rosenthal argues that American conservatism is now linked to populist movements in Europe and elsewhere, filling in an ideology around Trump’s persona.
“Something like Fox News can veer into the next pretty face,” he added. “There’s money behind it now, and not only is there money, there is established media,” said Lawrence Rosenthal, chair of the Berkeley Center for Right-Wing Studies and author of “Empire of Resentment: Populism’s Toxic Embrace of Nationalism.” “Even with a big loss, he will still be the kingmaker of the Republican Party in many senses.”īut Trump remains the most popular figure in his party and even if he loses is unlikely to keep quiet in future primary races up and down the ballot, including in red states and districts where candidates have little incentive to moderate.Ĭandidates have seen that Trump’s grievance-based rhetoric, which spread in the tea party movement that preceded him, holds sway over a large segment of Republican voters who feel marginalized or ignored amid the country’s social and economic changes. “People are laying the groundwork to consolidate that Trump base,” said Amanda Carpenter, a Republican Trump critic and former advisor to Texas Sen. Nikki Haley, Trump’s former United Nations ambassador, this week put her endorsement behind a candidate for governor of Montana who is best known for body-slamming a reporter. Pompeo delivered a blistering attack against China, Trump’s favorite foreign punching bag, at a speech to the Wisconsin state Legislature last month, one of many eyebrow-raising turns toward domestic politics for the secretary of State.
Kristi Noem, who spoke in New Hampshire last week, has been getting advice from Corey Lewandowski, Trump’s former campaign manager. The clearest signs can be seen among the Trump acolytes making early moves to win the 2024 Republican nomination. Even if President Trump loses reelection, evidence is growing that his populist, personality-driven movement will continue to dominate the Republican Party, overpowering conservatives who are trying to sketch out alternatives.
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